What is ALBA?
ALBA: Bolivarian Alternative
for Latin America and the Caribbean
ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para las Américas),
as its Spanish initials indicate, is a proposed alternative to the U.S.-sponsored
Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA, ALCA in its Spanish initials),
differing from the latter in that it advocates a socially-oriented trade
block rather than one strictly based on the logic of deregulated profit
maximization. ALBA appeals to the egalitarian principles of justice
and equality that are innate in human beings, the well-being of the
most dispossessed sectors of society, and a reinvigorated sense of solidarity
toward the underdeveloped countries of the western hemisphere, so that
with the required assistance, they can enter into trade negotiations
on more favorable terms than has been the case under the dictates of
developed countries.
By employing more effective mechanisms to eradicate poverty, ALBA-as
proposed by the Venezuelan government-provides a counterweight to the
policies and goals of the FTAA. This alternative model also identifies
the most crucial impediments to achieve a genuine regional integration
that transcends the prerogatives of the transnational corporations.
Among the obstacles to confront is the deep disparity that exists in
development between the countries of the hemisphere, whereby poor countries
such as Haiti or Bolivia are compelled to compete with the world is
leading economic power. In order to help overcome trade disadvantages,
ALBA pushes for solidarity with the economically weakest countries,
with the aim of achieving a free trade area in which all of its members
benefit (a win-win alliance).
Venezuela has voiced the need for identifying the economies with the
greatest deficiencies and their principle requirements, arguing for
a transfer of resources to the most underdeveloped countries so that
these may develop the economic infrastructure they require to compete
on more favorable terms with more developed economies. In order to do
this, the corner stone in the design of the ALBA is the proposal for
a "Compensatory Fund for Structural Convergence," which would
manage and distribute financial aid to the most economically vulnerable
countries.
ALBA favors endogenous development and rejects the type of employment
that the sweatshop (maquiladora) industry generates because it does
not contribute to the upsurge of the agricultural and industrial sectors
of the poor countries and does not contribute to the elimination of
poverty.
While not operating as a mere export-oriented activity under ALBA statutes,
agriculture instead would prioritize the food self-sufficiency of every
country before focusing on profit-making processes. The agricultural
sector cannot be deliberately subjected to market liberalization, while
developed countries maintain policies based on multi-million dollar
subsidies and high import tariffs to protect their own internal production,
thus flagrantly contravening the principles of free trade. However,
ALBA considers that even if these countries eliminate their protectionist
policies, the agricultural output from the developing countries still
would not be able to compete because farmers and the indigenous populations
of agricultural areas would still be displaced from their sources of
productive work, thereby increasing the pattern of social exclusion
in countries with few resources.
The ALBA is also opposed to intellectual property rights regimes on
the grounds that they only protect the areas of scientific and technological
knowledge that developed countries control, while at the same time leaving
unprotected those areas in which the developing countries have considerable
advantage: the genetic biodiversity of their territories and the traditional
knowledge of peasant and aborigine peoples. This fact also contributes
to deepening the asymmetries that exist between countries. ALBA is particularly
concerned with the case of medicines, since patent protection eliminates
the possibility of distributing generic medicines at reasonable prices
to sectors of society that have few resources in developing countries.
It also ends the possibility of setting up businesses that produce generic
medication, which generate badly needed employment opportunities.
The Venezuelan government has vehemently denounced the processes of
liberalization, deregulation, and privatization, which limit the ability
of the state to design and execute policies in the defense of a people's
right to have access to essential and high quality services at fair
prices. In contrast, the FTAA advocates the liberalization and privatization
of public services, thus implying that millions of people in the continent
would be deprived of basic services that are needed for human survival.
For the Venezuelan government the management of public services must
be oriented toward fulfilling the people's needs and not the interests
of business and private profit. As such, public services are indispensable
for correcting social inequality. As a result, Venezuela deems unacceptable
any trade accord that implies the renunciation of the use of public
policy instruments, such as the regulation of public utilities and the
provision of subsidies to regulate domestic prices and to guarantee
access to essential public services for the overwhelming majority of
the population who cannot afford market-priced services.
The labels of "Most Favored Nation" and "National Treatment"
proposed by the FTAA seriously threaten the sovereignty of those countries
determined to pursue policies better adapted to their national interests.
The first provision compels a country not to give a less favorable treatment
to a foreign company than any of the other foreign companies operating
in it; and the second provision demands that transnational corporations
be given the same preferences that are provided to national businesses,
including those which are provided to small businesses and cooperatives.