José Luis Méndez Méndez
Special for Resumen Latinoamericano
After eleven years of shady dealings, rigged proceedings, violence, and the murders of officials linked to the protracted trial regarding the downing of the Cuban airliner, the outcome was in sight. The two Venezuelan mercenaries had been convicted; the criminal Luis Posada Carriles had managed to “escape” after his third attempt—and was already known to be embroiled in the Iran-Contra scandal in Central America, having been denounced, yet nothing happened to him. That left Bosch, who was declared “innocent.” A new dilemma arose: what to do with him? Diplomatic contacts were made, but no country was willing to take him in; then, the Miami machinery swung into action. The so-called Cuban American National Foundation (CANF), together with congressmen of Cuban origin and part of Florida’s state apparatus, arranged for him to travel to Miami and surrender to the authorities—who were supposedly seeking him for violating his 1972 parole.
That is what happened: immigration services detained him, the terrorist staged a mock hunger strike, and he was released pending a federal decision. The convict launched a media campaign, became a street lemon vendor, and made press statements promoted by his aforementioned backers; finally, the federal prosecutor’s office was called upon to rule on whether he was eligible to reside in the United States.
On January 23, 1989, Acting Associate Attorney General Joe D. Whitley of the Department of Justice—who ruled on whether or not to admit Bosch into the United States—wrote: “He was also convicted of sending threats to destroy ships and aircraft from Mexico, England, and Spain.” All of this is extensively documented in the United States Department of Justice file A 28 851 622.
The aforementioned Assistant United States Attorney spent months reviewing information requested from various agencies regarding the defendant before finally issuing a legal opinion and recommendations: “Following his release on May 17, 1988, Bosch was detained by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). At that time, the INS District Director in Miami served Bosch with a notice of temporary exclusion, alleging that he was excludable from the United States because: ‘There are grounds to believe that he would seek to enter the United States solely, principally, or incidentally to engage in activities detrimental to the public interest.'”
Furthermore: “That he is or has been an alien who advocates or teaches, or has been a member of an organization that supports the necessity or propriety of attacking or killing government officials, or of injuring or destroying property and committing acts of sabotage.”
The document maintained: “There are reasonable grounds to believe that, upon entry, he would likely engage in activities prohibited by United States laws regarding espionage, sabotage, public disorder, or other activities subversive to the national interest.” Additionally, the notice stated that Bosch was excludable on the grounds that he had been convicted of “a crime involving moral turpitude, rather than a mere political offense.”
The report argued: “In October 1976, Bosch was detained in Venezuela in connection with the bombing of a Cuban civilian airliner on October 6, 1976, which resulted in the deaths of 73 men, women, and children. Although detained in Venezuela for 11 years on charges stemming from that incident, he was ultimately released.” At his trial, evidence was presented showing that the two men convicted of homicide in connection with the explosion had been in contact with Bosch both before and after the incident.
The relevant ruling confirms the accused’s involvement in the downing of the Cuban plane, concluding: “While outside the United States, Bosch founded and led the Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU), an anti-Castro terrorist group that claimed responsibility for numerous bombings in Miami, New York, Venezuela, Panama, Mexico, Argentina, and other locations.”
What happened next? The criminal was pardoned by President George H.W. Bush, against the advice of the Department of Justice and the opinion of the Attorney General. The then-President had been heading the Central Intelligence Agency when the Cubana de Aviación plane exploded in mid-air on October 6, 1976.
Pressure for the assassin’s release had roots in Florida; on March 25, 1983, the Miami City Commission—with a majority of commissioners of Cuban origin—passed a resolution designating that day as “Dr. Orlando Bosch Day.
It is now known, following years of investigation, that the Cuban-born international terrorist Pablo Gustavo Castillo Díaz—alias “El Cojo” and one of the actual perpetrators of the 1976 murder of Cuban technician Artaigñán Díaz Díaz in Mexico—studied Cubana de Aviación’s Caribbean flight routes and selected the aircraft that was subsequently destroyed. He had fled to Venezuela after the earlier killing.
It was also established that when Orlando Bosch was arrested in Caracas on October 11, 1976, he was accompanied by Castillo. Castillo manufactured the bombs that were later planted on the Cuban plane by Venezuelan mercenaries Freddy Lugo and Hernán Ricardo Lozano. He produced the devices using explosives and detonators supplied by a DISIP explosives expert in exchange for a parachute belonging to anti-Cuban terrorist Rolando Otero Hernández—who went by the code name “Cóndor” and worked as a paid operative for Luis Posada Carriles under Operation Condor, an initiative directed by Chile’s National Intelligence Directorate.
The CIA—ever-present when it comes to plots involving assassination or destruction—is implicated by its own documents. These records attest to the agency’s prior knowledge of the schemes being hatched to bring down the Cuban plane; yet, the CIA did nothing to prevent the attack, failing to issue even a simple, timely warning to Cuban authorities.
Further evidence of the CIA’s prior knowledge is revealed in a declassified secret document dated October 13, 1976. Marked “Field No. 7514,” the document identified the source as “a former Venezuelan government official who is usually a reliable informant” and included a warning: “This information is not to be discussed with any foreign official, including those from the Venezuelan government.” The text regarding the plot to bring down the plane noted: “Bosch made the statement: ‘Now that our organization has emerged from the Letelier operation with a strong public profile, we are going to attempt something else.'” The report adds: “A few days later, at a fundraising dinner, Posada was overheard saying, ‘We are going to attack a Cuban plane,’ and ‘Orlando has the details.'”
To demonstrate that agency’s prior knowledge of the plot being hatched: on June 22, 1976, the CIA had advance knowledge of plans to bring down Cuban civilian aircraft. This is revealed in a document from the U.S. agency—dated and distributed that day—which bore the following markings: “Secret, sensitive; intelligence sources and methods involved. Do not release to foreign nationals. Not for distribution to contractors or hired consultants.” It went on to state: “A businessman with close ties to the Cuban exile community—normally a reliable informant—revealed that an extremist group of Cuban exiles, led by Orlando Bosch, plans to place a bomb on a Cubana de Aviación flight traveling between Panama and Havana. The original plans for this operation called for two bombs to be placed on the June 21, 1976 flight (Flight 467), which was scheduled to depart Panama at 11:15 a.m. local time.” Copies of the document were sent to the State Department, the Army Intelligence Directorate, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, the FBI, and the CIA; however, the Cuban government was not a recipient of this information. The document specified that two bombs would be planted—as indeed happened later in Barbados—and identified the criminal Orlando Bosch as the plot’s mastermind. It also noted that the target would be a civilian aircraft belonging to the airline Cubana de Aviación. The CIA was aware of all these precise details four months prior to October 6—the day 73 people, including 57 Cubans, lost their lives.
It is said that nothing remains hidden between earth and sky, and that secrets eventually come to light. New revelations will continue to emerge regarding this horrendous crime — which will mark its fiftieth anniversary in 2026 — committed while its perpetrators lived with impunity in the United States under the protection of its authorities.
October 3, 2026
